New Delhi: Ongoing actions on Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek‑e‑Insaaf (PTI) party may formally be seen as being initiated by the civilian govt, but the sustained operation points to a well-crafted design and execution; a campaign of legal, security, and institutional pressure designed and configured by the all-powerful army.
Pakistan’s military has repeatedly overridden elected governments through coups, constitutional manipulation, and intelligence‑led political engineering.
At present, the army has trained its guns on Imran Khan and his political party, including arrests, trials, and restrictions on party activity. Pakistan’s history is marked by full military takeovers (1958, 1977, 1999), as well as periods of dominant military influence in politics, governance and foreign policy.
The military’s toolkit has included the removal of governments, the manipulation of party structures, intelligence operations against opponents, and legal or extra‑legal pressure on media and civil society.
Institutional levers, including appointments, promotions, and control over security policy, have been used to institutionalise influence across successive governments. Interventions have taken place not only as direct coups, dismissal of assemblies, or states of emergency, but also as legal and administrative restrictions on parties and intelligence‑led political engineering.
The Governor‑General’s dismissal of provincial and federal governments and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in the early 1950s set an early precedent for extra‑constitutional removal of civilian authority and constrained party development.
In October 1958, the military removed the civilian leadership, and General Ayub Khan assumed power, imposing martial law, suspending political parties’ normal operations and introducing a controlled political system that limited their influence.
He was replaced by General Yahya Khan in 1969, who dissolved the then-existing political structures and postponed elections, a sequence that contributed to the 1971 crisis and the loss of East Pakistan.
In another episode, General Zia ul‑Haq overthrew Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in July 1977, imposed martial law, banned political activities for extended periods, and used legal and constitutional changes to weaken party structures and civil liberties.
Throughout the 1990s, successive civilian governments were dismissed under constitutional provisions by presidents and governors, often with the military and intelligence establishment playing influential behind‑the‑scenes roles; party fragmentation and co‑optation were common.
General Pervez Musharraf seized power in October 1999, and his removal of an elected government still hangs in the memories. He suspended parts of the constitution, introduced measures like emergency rule and judicial changes, holding back constitutional protections. He removed judges and curtailed party activities and media freedom.
In recent times, since Imran Khan’s ouster in April 2022, the relationship between PTI and the security establishment has deteriorated sharply.
Following mass protests in May 2023, authorities launched a broad crackdown. Thousands of PTI activists were arrested, military courts and anti‑terror laws were used against protesters, and party offices were raided.
Imran Khan himself was arrested in August 2023 and has since faced multiple criminal convictions and sentences across several cases, including high‑profile graft and verdicts handed down in 2025. Courts have issued long prison terms; military and anti‑terror tribunals have tried PTI supporters, and journalists and commentators linked to the movement have faced severe sentences, even in absentia.
The campaign against PTI combined legal prosecution, administrative bans, and security operations to fragment the party’s organisational capacity and deter mass mobilisation. The use of military courts and anti‑terror legislation to try civilians has raised concerns among rights groups about due process and the militarisation of law enforcement. At the same time, the army’s public posture – desperately trying to portray itself as defending state institutions – has been reinforced by episodes of confrontation with India and by high‑profile promotions that signal institutional consolidation.
In the May 2023 unrest, attacks on military installations triggered mass prosecutions and military trials of alleged perpetrators. Imran Khan’s multiple convictions and the 2025 Toshakhana‑II sentence are emblematic of the legal pressure on PTI leadership.
Meanwhile, journalists and social media figures linked to PTI have been sentenced in high‑profile cases, curbing dissenting voices.
(IANS)
