New Delhi: As Uttar Pradesh and Punjab gear up for Assembly elections next year, the Congress once again finds itself confronting challenges similar to those it faced earlier in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Karnataka and other states.
In Uttar Pradesh, INDIA bloc partners Congress and the Samajwadi Party (SP) are engaged in a tussle over their respective on-ground political strength. This comes despite indications that the two parties could again forge an alliance after their improved performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. In Punjab, meanwhile, the party continues to grapple with internal factionalism and uncertainty over the high command’s leadership decisions.
Some political observers view the ongoing war of attrition between the Congress and the SP in Uttar Pradesh as an attempt by both parties to secure a larger share of the 403 Assembly seats. Adding to the friction, Congress MP from Saharanpur Imran Masood alleged that the SP has consistently failed to back influential Muslim leaders. Both parties have traditionally sought support from the minority community, which remains an important electoral constituency for them.
The SP has been attempting to consolidate support around party chief Akhilesh Yadav’s “PDA” plank — an acronym for “Pichde” (Backward Classes), Dalits and “Alpsankhyak” (Minorities). Of late, Yadav has alternated between “Alpsankhyak” and “Aadhi Aabadi” (half the population, referring to women) for the letter “A”, even as Masood levelled his allegations.
The growing friction now threatens to strain the opposition alliance against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Similar positions adopted by the Congress in the past have resulted in strained or broken ties with alliance partners.
In another strong message to the SP, newly appointed Congress state in-charge Rajendra Pal Gautam stressed earlier this month that his party would seek an equal share of seats in the Assembly elections. Earlier, his reported visit to the residence of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati was viewed as a pressure tactic in the seat-sharing negotiations with the SP. It was also perceived as a Dalit outreach initiative, potentially at the expense of the SP’s PDA narrative.
Meanwhile, the Congress is witnessing deep internal factionalism in Punjab, reportedly triggered by the central leadership’s decision to retain Amarinder Singh Raja Warring as Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee (PPCC) chief.
This came after a three-member panel of observers appointed by Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge — led by Ajay Maken and comprising Meenakshi Natarajan and Bhajan Lal Jatav — submitted its report on the state’s political and organisational situation to the party leadership.
The panel had been constituted to review Punjab’s political and organisational landscape following the party’s poor performance in the local body elections and conflicting internal surveys over whether the PPCC chief should be replaced.
The decision to retain Warring reportedly upset Jalandhar MP Charanjit Singh Channi and other senior leaders, including Sukhjinder Singh Randhawa, who expressed their dissatisfaction.
As the intra-party rift widens, several senior leaders are reportedly joining hands with Channi.
At a meeting held last weekend by AICC General Secretary in charge of Punjab Bhupesh Baghel, the dissident leaders reportedly made it clear that they would not accept Warring’s leadership.
Baghel is currently touring the poll-bound state in an effort to defuse the crisis, as the widening internal divisions pose a challenge to the party at a time when it appeared to be on the path to political revival despite its sharp decline from its past dominance.
The ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), led by Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, despite winning several municipal wards in the recent local body elections, is facing anti-incumbency sentiment. The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) remains weakened after the 2022 Assembly elections, with limited electoral strength in urban areas, while the BJP is attempting to expand its urban support base through targeted outreach. Any potential SAD-BJP alliance could further complicate the Congress’s electoral strategy by consolidating anti-AAP votes.
However, the Congress could still benefit from anti-incumbency if it presents a united front and leverages its traditional support base among Hindus, certain Dalit communities and sections of the Jat Sikh electorate.
In recent years, the Congress has witnessed recurring internal rifts across several states, weakening its organisational cohesion.
In Madhya Pradesh, factional battles between leaders such as Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh have frequently spilled into the open, undermining the party’s ability to present a united front.
Rajasthan witnessed a prolonged power struggle between Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot, which at times threatened the stability of the state government before ultimately contributing to the Congress losing power.
In Karnataka, differences between Siddaramaiah and D.K. Shivakumar have periodically surfaced, reflecting competing leadership ambitions and complicating the party’s political strategy in the state.
These repeated episodes of infighting have not only distracted the Congress from governance and weakened its state units but have also eroded public confidence in its ability to remain united against its political rivals.
The high command’s frequent interventions to mediate disputes underline both the persistence of factionalism and the challenge of balancing regional leadership aspirations with central authority.
As the party prepares for upcoming electoral battles, its ability to manage these internal divisions will be critical to projecting stability and regaining political ground.
(IANS)
